Health Care

Senator John Kerry ::: www.johnkerry.com

Hello Curmilus,

My husband, Ted Kennedy, fought for health care for all Americans from his first days as a Senator through his own brave fight against cancer. This cause was personal to Ted and me because, even before his own diagnosis, our family, like so many families, knew the fear and concern of having a loved one diagnosed with cancer.  Ted was especially proud that he’d helped pass the National Cancer Act 30 years ago, and when he became ill he’d already begun work to modernize that bill so that we continue to lead the world in modern health care advances.  

That fight takes many forms. My friend John Kerry, Teddy’s friend and colleague in the Senate for 25 years, is riding in the PanMass Challenge for the seventh time to raise money for cancer research. His ride is even more personal this year, as his wife Teresa wages her own fight against cancer.

Clicking on this link above will give you a chance to contribute to his ride and help raise money for the Jimmy Fund.


The Jimmy Fund is one of the oldest and most successful cancer-fighting charities in the country. It’s been an institution since a fundraising drive for the original "Jimmy" in 1948, and it raises millions of dollars every year to help fight cancer. The work they’ve done has saved countless lives.

Please follow this link to help them save more lives.


Teddy’s spirit, his resolve, and his will to fight inspired all of us every day. Join me in keeping that fighting spirit going. Together we can beat cancer once and for all.

Thank you,
Vicki Kennedy 

Gene “Mes Sick” still at his mess – The Ignant Column

From: "Gene" <genemessick@earthlink.net>
Sent: Tuesday, August 03, 2010 12:28 PM
To: <thedcn@embarqmail.com>
Subject: Your recent email . . .

>
> We’re sorry, but Email from you can no longer be accepted nor 
> responded to
> because by your request, you were aborted from our mailing list.
> .
> Do you often slam the door in people’s faces, then stand outside their 
> door,
> yelling back at them?  It will not do you any good to do that to us, 
> either.
>

From: The DCN Curmilus Dancy II

Sent: Tuesday, August 03, 2010 12:10 PM

To: Gene

Subject: Re: Re2: Response: Dancy:

Yep this ignant rascal continues to promote his ignance.

The point I made was I have not sent a letter to the editor. My replies were in response to his ignance just because I asked to be removed.

I responded by posting my response on my blog because I don’t know what he may be posting in his mailings.

The response to his email said I was blocked since I had asked to be removed. I figure he may still get it so I still reply to him but I was right on that he continues to read my blog.

Love it, bring it on because I don’t know him and he do not know me.
LMBAO reading his ignance.

Curmilus “Butch” Dancy II – The DCN @ http://www.thepoliticalagitator.com
252.314.5484 Mobile
252.827.4598 Fax

"I have no permanent friends, no permanent enemies, only permanent interest!"
Sent on the Sprint® Now Network from my BlackBerry®


From: Gene <genemessick@earthlink.net>

Date: Tue, 3 Aug 2010 10:16:36 -0400

To: z=>Curmilus Dancy II<thedcn@embarqmail.com>

Subject: Re2: Response: Dancy:

Yes, you did, twice now.

.

Unlike you, we do not get mad at people, even for their professed ignorance. 

.

Just feel sad for their need to explain their emptiness.

.

The Struggle does continue, but you dealt yourself out of the game.

.

You still do not know how to send an email with a proper return address which will work.

.

Try concentrating on those simple things in your life.

.

Cordially,

NC Democrats Network

.

Helping make NC a better place, except in Pinetops, one Email at a time!

===========================

On Aug 1, 2010, at 9:41 AM, The DCN Online Blog/Internet TV Curmilus Dancy II (Butch) @ www.thepoliticalagitator.com wrote:

I have not sent a letter to the editor so I have no clue of what you are
talking about. I guess you are just mad because I asked to be removed from you mailing list.
Oh well.
The struggle continues,
Curmilus Dancy II
The Political Agitator
P.O. Box 1391
Pinetops, NC 27864
252.314.5484
252.827.4598 Fax
http://www.dcntv.org/
http://www.thepoliticalagitator.com
http://www.facebook.com/Curmilus.Dancy
http://twitter.com/Curmilus
"I have no permanent friends, no permanent enemies only permanent
interest!!"
————————————————–
From: "Gene" <genemessick@earthlink.net>
Sent: Wednesday, July 28, 2010 2:46 AM
Subject: Re: Response: Dancy:

Thanks for your Letter to our Editor.

.

It has been accepted for publication.

.

As a matter of policy, we do not correct spelling and grammatical  errors.

.

Please be aware that you have a return address which is not accepted  by

the Internet for delivery.

.

See related:

Gene Messick Appears To Be Sick. After Receiving A Phone Call About Him and Reading Some Material I Asked To Be Removed From His Mailing List

An Important Victory

NAACP

Curmilus,

Days like today are among my favorite as president of the NAACP.

For years we have worked to even out the vast disparity between crack cocaine and powder cocaine sentencing – a gap that unfairly hurts minority communities. Finally, Congress has shown courage and leadership to reduce this disparity.

While the difference in sentencing guidelines hasn’t been fully eliminated, this marks honest progress toward our goal. Today, President Obama signed the bill into law.

And today, I’m asking you to join me in thanking Congress for passing this historic piece of legislation:

http://action.naacp.org/ThankYouCongress

Until today, there was a sentencing disparity of 100:1 between crack cocaine and powder cocaine. But during negotiations it became clear that Congress was in agreement: This disparity has had a hugely unfair and racially discriminatory impact on minority Americans.

As a result, the bill lessening the disparity to 18:1 passed by unanimous consent.

The NAACP supports this bill as an important first step in completely eradicating these types of legislative injustices. However, we will continue to push for complete elimination of the disparities between crack cocaine and powder cocaine sentencing.

But first, we need your help in showing our gratitude for this incredible progress. Take a moment to thank your member of Congress:

http://action.naacp.org/ThankYouCongress

Your work means more now than ever before. With your help, we will continue to win even more major victories like today’s.

I cannot thank you enough.

All the best,

Ben Jealous
President and CEO
NAACP

SHOULD AMERICA HAVE A DIALOGUE BASED ON RACE? By William Reed Columnist

The past 40 years were the best times ever to be Black in America.  But, is it still?  While the size of Black underclass has tripled since the 1980s, a Black middle-class that was thought to be flourishing may have fallen on hard times.  Studies show: “the wealth gap between White and Black American families has more than quadrupled over the last generation”.

What better man to have on such an issue than the richest Black man in America?  Robert L. Johnson, founder and chairman of the RJL Companies says “a wealth gap Tsunami threatens African American families” and is calling for a national dialogue to get on the problem.  In a presentation he made to members of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) Johnson advocated legislative activity on the issue.  Johnson said, “We must admit the harsh reality of a history of institutionalized racism and economic discrimination against African Americans is the primary cause of wealth disparity between Black and White Americans and now we must be willing to talk about race recognition remedies”.  He said: “I recognize that public policy based on race is extremely provocative and controversial but controversy should not prevent a reasonable dialogue about a societal dilemma that is real and economically devastating in its potential to millions of African Americans".

Blacks have never caught up economically and the studies Johnson cites show Blacks at a stalemate.  According to a 2007 Pew Charitable Trusts study, "nearly half of African Americans born to middle-income parents in the late 1960s plunged into poverty or near-poverty as adults" and "forty-five percent of Black children whose parents were solidly middle class in 1968 – a stratum with a median income of $55,600 in inflation-adjusted dollars – grew up to be among the lowest fifth of the nation’s earners, with a median family income of $23,100."  The US Census says “White household median net worth is 10 times that of Black households”.  African American medium net is $11,800 compared to $118,000 for Whites.

Except for the activism among people like Johnson, African Americans that assimilated into Mainstream America have done little to change economic, social and legal practices to help the majority of the race.  The study’s researchers, Brandeis University’s Institute on Assets and Social Policy, say the racial wealth gap “reflects public policies” such as tax cuts on investment income and inheritances which benefit the wealthiest” and “tax deductions for home mortgages, retirement accounts, and college savings all disproportionately benefit higher income families”.

Why are other African Americans afraid to push for more government actions that address race inequities?   While “race specific” legislation is a anathema to post-racial America, public policy based on race is exactly what South Africa is using to redress wrongs of its past.  South Africa’s Black economic empowerment is driven by legislation and regulation to overcome the inequity left by apartheid.  Why can’t something similar happen in America to correct similar wrongs.

By and large public policy-makers have abandoned Black and inner-city communities, preferring instead to cater to the interests of the presidential administration, political party, corporation or organization they feel more obligated to.   Before the CBC, Bob Johnson suggested an array of race recognition policies and activities – available through www.rljcompanies.com.

Bob Johnson is a man with a storied past in Black economic development programs and activities.   People on the streets and suites should pay attention to the gravitas Johnson brings to this issue.   Even assimilated Blacks make look at their balance sheets and agree that the growing wealth gap qualifies as a "compelling national interest" that should initiate "narrowly tailored" policies based on race.  The “Post-Racial” philosophy the nation’s “establishment” wants Blacks to continue accepting hardly acknowledges the racial nexus of wealth disparity between Blacks and Whites.  Blacks seeking to help the masses of African Americans off the bottom of the nation’s economic pile should be calling Congress and joining Jonson in saying: that “if we are serious about closing the wealth gap we must first be willing to talk about race-recognition remedies”.

(William Reed is available for speaking engagements via BaileyGroup.org)

See related:

William Reed

NC Racial Justice Act: First Five Death Row Defendants File Motions Citing Strong Evidence of Racial Bias

Center for Death Penalty Litigation Inc.

Suite 301, 201 West Main Street

Durham, North Carolina 27701

Telephone: 919-956-9545

Facsimile: 919-956-9547

For Immediate Release: August 3, 2010

For more information contact:

Malcolm Hunter, Executive Director CDPL 919-956-9545 or 919-971-0466

Ken Rose, Staff Attorney CDPL 919-956-9545 or 919-286-7653

NC Racial Justice Act: First Five Death Row Defendants

File Motions Citing Strong Evidence of Racial Bias

Durham, NC — One year ago, the North Carolina General Assembly took the trailblazing step of passing the Racial Justice Act, a guarantee that no person would be put to death because of racial bias in our state’s justice system.

This week, the law is finally being put to the test. Five death row inmates have asked the courts to convert their death sentences to life imprisonment without parole. All can prove that race played a key role in their trials.

The cases were filed today in Stanly, Randolph, Martin, Forsyth and Davie counties.

“Race still plays a part in determining who lives and dies in our justice system, and that is unacceptable,” said Center for Death Penalty Litigation Executive Director Malcolm R. Hunter. “We are proud that North Carolina is honestly confronting this legacy of injustice.”

North Carolina’s handling of the cases will be watched around the country, as it is the first state to undertake a comprehensive effort to sever the historical ties between race and the death penalty. The Racial Justice Act cements North Carolina’s long history of leadership in efforts to promote racial equality.

The cases are supported by three new comprehensive studies of the death penalty in North Carolina.

“We would like to live and practice in a system where race does not matter,” said Ken Rose, staff attorney at CDPL. “But the results show that white victims are valued more highly than black ones, and that black jurors are being denied their right to serve. This evidence of racial bias cannot be ignored.”

One of the new studies, from Michigan State University, shows that prosecutors in capital trials used peremptory strikes to exclude eligible blacks from juries at more than twice the rate that they excluded whites. Of the 159 inmates now on death row in North Carolina, 31 were sentenced by all-white juries, and another 38 had only one minority on their sentencing juries.

Two more studies, one from Michigan State University and one from the University of Colorado, show that those who kill whites are more likely to get the death penalty than those who kill blacks. The MSU study found that a defendant is 2.6 times more likely to get the death penalty if the victim is white. The UC study found that a defendant’s odds of getting the death penalty increase by 2.96 times if the victim is white.

The findings echo those of previous studies in North Carolina and around the country.

The MSU study also found that in some districts, minority defendants were more likely to be sentenced to death than white defendants.

The five cases presented to the courts today reveal these problems in stark relief.

In all five cases, the victims were white and the defendants were minorities, and prosecutors struck eligible blacks from the juries at far greater rates than eligible whites. In several cases, prosecutors rejected eligible black jurors even while accepting similar white jurors.

Three of the defendants were sentenced by all-white juries. In the other cases, only one or two minorities sat on the juries — even in Martin County, where nearly half the population was black.

In the Randolph County case, one member of the all-white jury admitted after the fact that “bigotry” influenced his decision to vote for the execution of a black defendant. In Union County, the defendant was referred to as a “n—–” during testimony.

“We don’t condone the crimes these men committed, and even if they win their cases under the Racial Justice Act, they will remain in prison for life,” said Hunter. “But we cannot, in good conscience, execute people who received death sentences because of the color of their skin, or their victims’ skin.”

The Racial Justice Act went into effect on August 11, 2009. Kentucky is the only other state with similar, but less comprehensive, legislation.

North Carolina Gov. Beverly Perdue said when she signed the act that it “ensures that when North Carolina hands down our state’s harshest punishment to our most heinous criminals, the decision is based on the facts and the law, not racial prejudice.”

The Racial Justice Act is exceptional because — much like civil rights laws — it allows the use of statewide or regional statistical evidence to prove racial bias, and it specifies that even unintentional bias is grounds for reexamining a death sentence. Those provisions were included with the understanding that racial bias is very rarely openly admitted, and evidence of trends is often the only way to prove it.

Inmates on death row were given until August 10, 2010 to file claims under the act.

As the deadline approaches, North Carolina begins a challenging new chapter in its history — one in which the state has an opportunity to acknowledge the fact  of continuing racial bias and scrub it away from the courtrooms that decide matters of life and death.

Fact sheet: 

The Racial Justice Act

The NC Racial Justice Act was signed into law on August 11, 2009. The Act allows defendants facing the death penalty to present evidence of racial bias, including statistics, in court. Anyone on death row who files a claim must do so by August 10.

If a death row inmate proves discrimination at the time of his charging or sentencing, he will be resentenced to life in prison without the possibility of parole.

The Act was passed after the wrongful convictions and subsequent recent exonerations of three black defendants. One of the exonerees was sentenced by an all-white jury and the other two had only one black juror on each of their juries. In all three cases, at least one of the victims was white.

Five Death Row Inmates File Motions

On August 3, 2010, five of the first death row defendants filed their motions in superior court in the counties where they were tried.

Central to these motions are results of a new comprehensive study of North Carolina capital sentencing that shows for the 159 people currently on North Carolina’s death row, 31 of those defendants had all-white juries and 38 of them had only one person of color on their jury. In other words, more than 40% of the defendants on North Carolina’s death row were sentenced to death by a jury that included either one or zero persons of color.

The study, which was conducted by researchers at Michigan State University, finds that statewide, prosecutors struck qualified black jurors at more than twice the rate at which they struck white jurors.

In addition, the MSU study finds that in cases with at least one white victim, a defendant is 2.6 times more likely to be sentenced to death than if the case does not involve a white victim. This finding is consistent with a study by Radelet and Pierce released in late July showing that the odds of receiving the death penalty increase by 2.96 times for defendants convicted of killing white victims.

The inmates who filed motions today argue that death penalty practices in their districts and individual cases corroborate the MSU study and show that race was a significant factor placing them on death row.

Kenneth Rouse, Randolph County, 1992

Black defendant, white victim

All-white jury

Prosecution struck 100% of qualified black jurors, 34% of qualified white jurors

One juror claimed after the trial that “blacks do not care about living as much as whites do.” The juror routinely referred to blacks as “n—–s,” and stated that “bigotry” was influential in his decision to vote for death. No federal court considered Rouse’s claim of race discrimination because his lawyers filed his appeal one day late. Rouse is one of five death row prisoners sentenced to death by an all-white jury in Randolph County. The prosecutor in Rouse’s case has a history of striking black potential jurors.  Even the US Supreme Court has taken notice of the problem and sent yet another Randolph County capital case back for an inquiry into whether the prosecutor struck jurors in a racially discriminatory manner. 

Guy LeGrande, Stanly County, 1996

Black defendant, white victim.

All-white jury

Prosecution struck 100% of the qualified black jurors, 26% of qualified white jurors

LeGrande’s white co-defendant, who was the mastermind of the murder, was allowed to plead to second degree murder. In testimony at his trial, LeGrande was referred to as a “n—– from Wadesboro.” LeGrande, who is severely mentally ill, was allowed to represent himself at trial. The district attorney in his case regularly wore a noose lapel pin, a racially charged symbol of lynching, in the courtroom. He gave noose pins to his assistant district attorneys as “morale boosters” when they obtained a death sentence. One of the three recent exonerees, yet another black defendant who was sentenced by an all-white jury, was prosecuted by the same district attorney. His exoneration came after the revelation that the prosecutor hid favorable evidence from the defendant.

Shawn Bonnett, Martin County, 1996

Black defendant, white victim

Two black jurors

Prosecution struck 78% of the qualified black jurors, 6% of qualified white jurors

Bonnett and three other men were charged with the robbery and murder of a white store owner. It was not contested that Bonnett was not the shooter or the mastermind in the case, and none of his three co-defendants were sentenced to death. The prosecution in Bonnett’s trial used their peremptory strikes to exclude 78% of the qualified black potential jurors, while accepting 94% of the white jurors. At the time of the trial, the population of Martin County was 45% black.

Jeremy Murrell, Forsyth County, 2006

Black defendant, white victim

One black juror

Prosecution struck 80% of the qualified black jurors, 26% of qualified white jurors

Prosecutors in Murrell’s trial used their peremptory strikes to exclude a large proportion of qualified black prospective jurors from jury service.  Meanwhile, prosecutors removed very few prospective white jurors from the panel.  When asked to explain why they had cut nearly all the blacks from the jury, prosecutors claimed to have done so because those prospective jurors were close in age to the defendant, had failed to reveal their criminal records, or had a family history of mental illness.  However, the prosecution gave its approval to white prospective jurors who were the exact same age as the defendant, had failed to reveal the exact same criminal charges as the struck black jurors, and also reported family histories of mental illness. 

Jathiyah Al-Bayyinah, Davie County (Iredell County jury), 1999, again in 2003

(granted a new trial, re-sentenced to death)

Black defendant, white victim

Two all-white juries

1999 case – prosecution struck 100% of the qualified black jurors, 24% of qualified white jurors

2003 case – prosecution struck 67% of the qualified black jurors, 21% of qualified white jurors

On appeal, Al-Bayyinah, who is Muslim, presented evidence that his trial attorneys were ineffective in failing to present mitigating evidence of racial violence and tension in Statesville at the time he was growing up. In rejecting his claim, the court specifically cited as reasons why the claim was being denied that he became a Muslim, and the “the peaceful murder victim was an elderly white man.” One of the investigating officers in his case manufactured a fraudulent statement incriminating to the defendant and altered computer files to conceal the deception, and another later pled guilty to embezzlement from the sheriff’s department. Of the seven defendants currently on death row from that prosecutorial district, four were sentenced by all-white juries.

Michigan State University Study

In response to the passage of the Act, researchers at Michigan State University are conducting a detailed, comprehensive study on race and the death penalty in North Carolina. The study examines 5,800 cases that were eligible for the death penalty for the years 1990 through 2009. The data are analyzed at the statewide, judicial division, prosecutorial district and county levels.

The study examines jury selection, as well as three different approaches to charging and sentencing: looking at the numbers of people charged and sentenced based on race of defendant and victim to see if there are disparities, looking at those same numbers while also looking at the impact of statutory aggravating and mitigating circumstances, and looking at the numbers while trying to measure the impact of about 200 different factors or variables. These three approaches all show that race plays an improper role in the death penalty in North Carolina. The study results are entirely consistent with numerous studies across the country, including the July 2010 Radelet and Pierce study, which shows significant discrimination in the administration of capital punishment.

The MSU study finds that statewide, prosecutors struck qualified black jurors at more than twice the rate at which they struck white jurors.

In a death penalty case the judge must excuse a juror for “cause” when that juror is not qualified to serve. Judges excuse all jurors who are not able or willing to vote for the death penalty. The MSU study looked at “peremptory” strikes, which prosecutors use to exclude potential jurors who have already been qualified to serve. Prosecutors do not need a reason to exercise a peremptory strike, though they are not supposed to strike a juror based on race, gender or religious affiliation.

The MSU study findings are consistent with other studies done on jury strikes. The Alabama-based Equal Justice Initiative released a report this summer that found that in eight Southern states (not including NC), eligible black jurors are being dismissed from jury service at much higher rates than whites. The Dallas Morning News conducted a two-year investigation of non-capital felony cases tried in Dallas County in 2002. They, too, found that qualified black jurors were being struck at significantly higher rates. Other studies revealed the same trends.

In addition, the MSU study finds that in cases with at least one white victim, a defendant is 2.6 times more likely to be sentenced to death than if the case does not involve a white victim.

The MSU study findings are consistent with multiple prior studies in North Carolina that found in cases with white victims, the defendant was significantly more likely to receive a death sentence. Radelet and Pierce released a study on July 22, 2010, that concluded a defendant’s odds of getting the death penalty increase by 2.96 times if the victim is white. Similar findings are observed in a 2001 UNC-CH study by Unah and Boger, a 1990 report by the US General Accounting Office, and many others.

http://ncmoratorium.org/siteres.aspx?resid=e66d6959-7dc7-4e7c-a800-e777bb661f12

www.ncmoratorium.org


One year ago, the North Carolina General Assembly took the trailblazing step of passing the Racial Justice Act, a guarantee that no person would be put to death because of racial bias in our state’s justice system.

This week, the law is finally being put to the test. Five death row inmates have asked the courts to convert their death sentences to life imprisonment without parole. All can prove that race played a key role in their trials.

The cases were filed today in Stanly, Randolph, Martin, Forsyth and Davie counties.

"Race still plays a part in determining who lives and dies in our justice system, and that is unacceptable," said Center for Death Penalty Litigation Executive Director Malcolm R. Hunter. "We are proud that North Carolina is honestly confronting this legacy of injustice."

North Carolina’s handling of the cases will be watched around the country, as it is the first state to undertake a comprehensive effort to sever the historical ties between race and the death penalty. The Racial Justice Act cements North Carolina’s long history of leadership in efforts to promote racial equality.

The cases are supported by three new comprehensive studies of the death penalty in North Carolina.

"We would like to live and practice in a system where race does not matter," said Ken Rose, staff attorney at CDPL. "But the results show that white victims are valued more highly than black ones, and that black jurors are being denied their right to serve. This evidence of racial bias cannot be ignored."

One of the new studies, from Michigan State University, shows that prosecutors in capital trials used peremptory strikes to exclude eligible blacks from juries at more than twice the rate that they excluded whites. Of the 159 inmates now on death row in North Carolina, 31 were sentenced by all-white juries, and another 38 had only one minority on their sentencing juries.

Two more studies, one from Michigan State University and one from the University of Colorado, show that those who kill whites are more likely to get the death penalty than those who kill blacks. The MSU study found that a defendant is 2.6 times more likely to get the death penalty if the victim is white. The UC study found that a defendant’s odds of getting the death penalty increase by 2.96 times if the victim is white.

The findings echo those of previous studies in North Carolina and around the country.

The MSU study also found that in some districts, minority defendants were more likely to be sentenced to death than white defendants.

The five cases presented to the courts today reveal these problems in stark relief.

In all five cases, the victims were white and the defendants were minorities, and prosecutors struck eligible blacks from the juries at far greater rates than eligible whites. In several cases, prosecutors rejected eligible black jurors even while accepting similar white jurors.

Three of the defendants were sentenced by all-white juries. In the other cases, only one or two minorities sat on the juries – even in Martin County, where nearly half the population was black.

In the Randolph County case, one member of the all-white jury admitted after the fact that "bigotry" influenced his decision to vote for the execution of a black defendant. In Union County, the defendant was referred to as a "n—–" during testimony.

"We don’t condone the crimes these men committed, and even if they win their cases under the Racial Justice Act, they will remain in prison for life," said Hunter. "But we cannot, in good conscience, execute people who received death sentences because of the color of their skin, or their victims’ skin."

The Racial Justice Act went into effect on August 11, 2009. Kentucky is the only other state with similar, but less comprehensive, legislation.

North Carolina Gov. Beverly Perdue said when she signed the act that it "ensures that when North Carolina hands down our state’s harshest punishment to our most heinous criminals, the decision is based on the facts and the law, not racial prejudice."

The Racial Justice Act is exceptional because – much like civil rights laws – it allows the use of statewide or regional statistical evidence to prove racial bias, and it specifies that even unintentional bias is grounds for reexamining a death sentence. Those provisions were included with the understanding that racial bias is very rarely openly admitted, and evidence of trends is often the only way to prove it.

Inmates on death row were given until August 10, 2010 to file claims under the act.

As the deadline approaches, North Carolina begins a challenging new chapter in its history – one in which the state has an opportunity to acknowledge the fact  of continuing racial bias and scrub it away from the courtrooms that decide matters of life and death.


Want to Learn More about the NC Racial Justice Act?

Click here to download a fact sheet with more information about the recent RJA filings and the findings from the MSU Study on racial disparities in the NC death penalty.


Rev. Dr. William J. Barber, II, President
Mrs. Amina Josey Turner, Exec Dir
NC NAACP
P O Box 335
Durham, NC  27702
919-682-4700 V  919-682-4711 F
1-866-NC-NAACP

WAKE SCHOOLS FACE MORE LAYOFFS TO TRIM 2010-11 BUDGET

Raleigh, N.C. — Look at cutting more central administration jobs and restoring some to the Project Enlightenment preschool program, the Wake County Board of Education told Interim Superintendent Donna Hargens on Tuesday as the board worked toward a final budget for the 2010-11 year that began last month. (Read more @ WRAL)

See related:

Wake County Public Schools

Dixon funeral set; heart attack while driving killed board member – Source: The Daily Reflector

Funeral arrangements have been finalized for a Pitt County Board of Education member who died of a heart attack Saturday morning.

The visitation for Michael Dixon, 54, will be 6-8 p.m. Friday at Ebenezer Baptist Church in Rocky Mount. The funeral will be at noon Saturday at Philippi Church of Christ in Greenville. Arrangements are being made through H.D. Pope Funeral Home in Rocky Mount. (Read more @ The Daily Reflector)

See related:

Bishop Michael Dixon

HD Pope Funeral Homes

Noose found at stadium site – Source: The Daily Reflector

East Carolina University officials are investigating a noose found this week at Dowdy-Ficklen Stadium, where construction crews are working on the 7,000 seat expansion to the stadium. (Read more @ The Daily Reflector)

Note: This does not surprise me because there are so many folks who can not accept having a black POTUS and bringing it closer to home a black coach at the college. It is so sad that this is the mentality of many folks who can’t handle change. C. Dancy II – DCN Publisher

 

Why weakening the 14th amendment would reopen racial wounds – Source: The Grio

Last week, Lindsey Graham (R-SC), announced that he would consider introducing a bill to rescind a provision in the 14th Amendment which generally guarantees U.S. citizenship to those who are born within U.S. borders. Yesterday, Jon Kyl (R-AZ) agreed, saying that he is not interested in "amnesty" for undocumented immigrants, but rather, in "hearings" to consider the repeal of the provision. (Read more @ The Grio)