Immediate Release

November 21, 2010

Contact: Rev. Dr. William J. Barber, II, President, 919-394-8137
              Mrs. Amina Josey Turner, Exec Dir, 919-682-4700
              Atty. Al McSurely, Communications Chair, 919-389-2905

WHO: N.C. NAACP President Rev. Dr. William J. Barber, II, National Political Action Chair and National NAACP Education Chair and Florida State Conference President,
          Ms. Adora Obi Nweze

WHAT: National NAACP’s Daisy Bates Education Summit, December 2 -4, 2010

WHEN: Monday, November 22, 2010 at 10:00 AM

WHERE: Sheraton Raleigh Hotel, 421 South Salisbury Street, Raleigh, NC

Monday, November 22, 2010, 10:00 AM at the Sheraton Hotel, Downtown Raleigh, N.C. NAACP President Rev. Dr. William J. Barber, II, National Political Action Chair and National NAACP Education Chair and Florida State Conference President Adora Obi Nweze will announce the National NAACP’s Daisy Bates Education Summit to be held in Raleigh, NC, Dec 2-4, 2010 and will speak on and support the continuing fight against resegregation.

Here are some quotes:

Benjamin Todd Jealous, National NAACP President

: “The only way we can pull this country out of the great recession is to educate the next generation to compete in a global economy. That starts with access to a quality, equitable and fair education system. Throughout the Summit the NAACP will address the current problems within our education system, the attempt to re-segregate schools across the country and roll back the clock on the children of this nation.”

Adora Obi Nweze, Florida State Conference President/NAACP National Board Education Chair:

“The NAACP has always been on the forefront of education reform. With the state of emergency our schools are now in, we are, now more than ever, focused on ensuring our children and all children get a quality, equitable and fair education. With over 2200 branches and units across this country, and every one having an Education Committee, now is the time to empower our members to advocate from their local communities all the way to Congress for quality public schools, equitable and fair school discipline and access to affordable continuing education including HBCU’s.

Rev. Dr. William J. Barber, II, President of N.C. State Conference of NAACP Branches, and National Board Chair of NAACP Political/Legislative committee

: “Three years after the NAACP won the historic Brown decision, a leader of the NAACP in Little Rock, Ms. Daisy Bates, walked with nine children every morning to give life to Brown. Thousands of segregationists lined the streets, showering Ms. Bates and the Little Rock 9 with human spit and other bodily fluids. The segregationists threw rocks and other projectiles at Ms. Bates and the brave children. Ms. Bates taught them to look straight ahead, with their minds set on Freedom, as the segregationists yelled all sorts of obscenities at them. Ms. Bates and the 9 NAACP youth members were afraid . . . but undaunted.”

“With every insult thrown at our children by political opportunists who say they don’t want African American kids in ‘their’ schools in Wake County, a hundred new Daisy Bates come forward in Raleigh! With each predominantly African American school the Charlotte-Mecklenburg School Board tries to close, a hundred new Daisy Bates spring up in Charlotte! Each time a Wilmington School Board member sends a secret e-mail to try to stop the State from investigating the Board’s campaign to re-segregate the New Hanover System, 100 more Daisy Bates are created. Scores of Daisy Bates are springing up around the state – in Wayne, Forsyth, Guilford, and Halifax Counties, among others. Wherever right-wing opportunists stoop to the old racial fear tactic, to harm our public schools, more Daisy Bates are created.”

December 2-4, at the Sheraton Raleigh Hotel, NAACP hosts its National Daisy Bates Education Summit to prepare NAACP members and other educational activists to be effective advocates for stronger, better public schools in their counties. The Press Conference will detail the outline of the conference. The media can learn more at our website: .

"Preserving Public Education, Ensuring Student Success"

The NAACP Daisy Bates Education Summit honors the late Daisy Bates, former president of the Arkansas State Conference of the NAACP and advisor in 1957 to the Little Rock Nine, the students who braved hostile opponents of integration to Central High School. Despite mob threats and intimidation, cross burnings on her property, and other acts of attempted violence, Mrs. Bates persisted because of her strong beliefs. The 2010 Daisy Bates Summit will convene grassroots organizers from across the country in early December to focus on moving the NAACP’s education agenda forward with a combination of traditional and innovative education organizing techniques conducted in concert with local allies.

This summit serves as an integral part of our year-round training regimen for state and unit Education Chairs, helping them to build capacity to address local education issues. The summit will focus on the four-part agenda developed at our retreat in 2009 and amplified at regional conferences and the National Convention throughout 2010: securing access for disadvantaged and students of color to great teaching, fair discipline, equitable resources and a college and career ready curriculum.

The 2010 Daisy Bates Summit will be held Thursday, December 2—Saturday December 4, 2010 at the Sheraton Raleigh Hotel.
Biographical Essay
Also known as: Daisy Lee Bates, Daisy Lee Gatson Bates, Mrs. Daisy Bates
(c. 1914-1999)
Civil Rights Activist, Publisher

Daisy Bates is best known for her involvement in the struggle to integrate Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. As an advisor to nine black students trying to attend a previously all-white school, she was a pivotal figure in that seminal moment of the civil rights movement. As a publisher and journalist, she was also a witness and advocate on a larger scale. Her memoir of the conflict, The Long Shadow of Little Rock, is a primary text in the history of American race relations. Bates endured numerous hardships, but in the ensuing years her unstinting labors on behalf of equal opportunity have earned her numerous laurels.

She was born Daisy Lee Gatson in Huttig, a tiny Arkansas town dominated by a sawmill. "Huttig might have been called a sawmill plantation," she maintained in her book, "for everyone worked for the mill, lived in houses owned by the mill, and traded at the general store run by the mill." Growing up there, "I knew I was a Negro, but I did not really understand what that meant until I was seven years old." At that time, she went to buy some meat for her mother at a store and was rudely snubbed by the butcher. "Niggers have to wait ’til I wait on the white people," he brusquely informed her.

The incident had a strong impact on young Daisy, but her rage at discrimination turned to horror when she learned, somewhat later, that the parents she had known all her life were in reality friends of her real parents; her mother, it turned out, had been murdered while resisting rape by three white men. The men were never brought to justice, and Daisy’s real father left town. "Young as I was, strange as it may seem," she wrote, "my life now had a secret goal — to find the men who had done this horrible thing to my mother. So happy once, now I was like a little sapling which, after a violent storm, puts out only gnarled and twisted branches."

At the age of 15, Daisy became the object of an older man’s attentions, L. C. Bates, an insurance salesman who had also worked on newspapers in the South and West. L. C. wooed her for several years, and they married in 1942, setting up housekeeping in Little Rock. Though the low pay and lack of job security had been a constant for him as a journalist, he longed to leave the insurance business and run his own newspaper. The Bateses decided to act on this dream, leasing a printing plant that belonged to a church publication and inaugurating the Arkansas State Press. The first issue appeared on May 9, 1941.

The paper became an avid voice for civil rights even before a nationally recognized movement had emerged, and enjoyed a substantial readership — and thus a healthy flow of advertising revenue. The paper regularly published articles that reported and condemned police brutality against black citizens, and took up the cause of black veterans of World War II, who met with harassment and violence — sometimes even murder — upon returning to the South. Yet the paper’s fearless editorializing on the subject of a black serviceman’s slaying at the hands of a white police officer upset local whites, especially area business owners. Faced with a sudden loss of advertising money, the paper appeared poised to disappear. "The picture was discouraging," Daisy recalled in her memoir. "So much so that I was tempted to pack up and leave Little Rock." Even so, she and her husband "decided to stick to our guns."

The State Press continued to publish pieces attacking police brutality. "The Negroes supposedly fighting a war in the name of freedom had through our paper found a voice to express their feelings," she asserted. Henceforth, emboldened by the support of readers and bolder advertisers, the paper "expanded its crusading role on an ever widening front. It fought to free Negroes from muddy, filthy streets, slum housing, menial jobs, and injustice in the courtrooms." Thanks in part to such crusading, conditions in Little Rock improved for a time, and it "actually began to gain a reputation as a liberal southern city." In 1945, the State Press was able to buy new printing equipment.

Daisy attended classes at nearby Shorter College in business administration, public relations, and "other subjects related to the newspaper field." She also studied for a time at Philander Smith College. Though she loved flying and took classes at a flight school, Daisy was forced to give up this hobby when it adversely affected her insurance premiums. She served as the paper’s editor- in-chief during L. C.’s vacation, and both before and after his return continued to pursue controversial stories. A 1946 piece about a labor dispute, which sided with striking workers and criticized a local judge, led to their arrest and conviction on contempt of court. The Arkansas Supreme Court overturned the conviction.

After the war, throngs of black soldiers returned to the South, facing discrimination, harassment, and violence. Bates noted in her book that brutality against returning soldiers was a great motivator in the growth of the civil rights movement and that membership in the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) grew radically during this period. L. C. and Daisy Bates had been members virtually since their arrival in Little Rock; in 1952, Daisy became the leader of the state conference of NAACP branches. She was already co-chairing the state conference’s Committee on Fair Employment Practices but took to her new duties with aplomb. Two years later, in a landmark decision, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled school segregation unconstitutional; the decision was sparked by a multitude of lawsuits filed against segregated schools and coordinated by the NAACP.

"To the nation’s Negroes," Daisy Bates observed in her book, "the Supreme Court decision meant that the time for delay, evasion, or procrastination was over." Although acting governor Francis A. Cherry expressed his intention to comply with the law, he was defeated in 1954 by an avid segregationist — Orval Faubus, who vowed resistance to federal mandates on the issue. But Daisy Bates and other activists, who had long watched black studies languish in inferior schools while all-white schools enjoyed infinitely greater resources, determined to press the issue. Nine black students were slated to attend Little Rock’s Central High; they became the focal point for one of the most intense chapters of the civil rights movement.

Despite all legislative efforts by the segregationists to prevent the "Little Rock Nine," as the students were known, from attending Central High, the school’s integration was slated to begin in the fall of 1957. Daisy Bates became their advisor and protector. White mobs met at the school, threatening to kill the black students; these mobs harassed not only activists but also northern journalists who came to cover the story. Soon, Bates recollected, "hysteria in all of its madness enveloped the city. Racial feelings were at a fever pitch."

The city council instructed the Little Rock police chief to arrest Bates and other NAACP officials; she and the local branch president surrendered voluntarily. They were charged with failing to provide information about members for the public record, in violation of a city ordinance. In such a charged environment, of course, publicizing such information would have endangered the members in question. Though Bates was charged a fine by the judge, and NAACP lawyers appealed and eventually won a reversal in the U.S. Supreme Court.

Despite such provisional victories, the physical safety of Bates, the students, and other activists was constantly threatened. "It took many weeks for me to become accustomed to seeing revolvers lying on tables in my own home," she remembered in The Long Shadow of Little Rock. "And shotguns, loaded with buckshot, standing ready near the doors." The students endured constant intimidation, and Bates saw herself hanged in effigy by segregationists. She was later threatened in her car by a white man, and bombs were thrown at the Bates house. The U.S. government answered her desperate telegrams by explaining that such incidents were a matter for local authorities.

Ultimately, the "Little Rock Nine" were able to attend Central High, and many of them went on to impressive careers. The price for L. C. and Daisy Bates was high, however; an orchestrated boycott of advertisers caused the newspaper’s revenue to dry up quickly, and they were forced to shut it down in 1959. L. C. accepted an NAACP post the following year, which he retained until his retirement in 1971. Daisy, meanwhile, traveled to New York and spent two years writing her book. It was published in 1962 with a foreword by former first lady Eleanor Roosevelt. "This is a book which I hope will be read by every American," Roosevelt declared; adding in her conclusion that the volume "should shock the conscience of America and bring a realization of where we stand in the year 1962 in these United States."

Daisy Bates moved to Washington, D.C., and worked for the Democratic National Committee. She participated in the anti-poverty programs of the Lyndon Johnson administration but was incapacitated by a stroke in 1965. The following year saw her donate a number of her papers, photographs, and other historical documents from the Little Rock crisis to the State Historical Society of Wisconsin.

In 1968 she moved to the town of Mitchellville, Arkansas, living in a mobile home and participating in a number of efforts to improve living conditions for the area’s mostly black residents. As a result of her tireless work with the city’s Self-Help Project, new water and sewer systems were installed in the town, roads were paved and a community center — with swimming pool — was completed in 1972. When budget cuts by President Richard Nixon threatened the project, she protested bitterly. She retired two years later.

L. C. Bates died in 1980, but Daisy held out hope that the State Press would circulate once more. At last, in 1984, this longtime dream became a reality. "I said to myself, ‘If you’re going to do it, do it now or forget it,’" she told Ebony. "One of the reasons I hadn’t done it is I didn’t have enough money on my own to finance it." A satisfactory arrangement was made in collaboration with School Superintendent Dr. H. Benjamin Williams and the Rev. Robert Willingham. This partnership — which gave her two-thirds ownership — allowed the paper to buy a new typesetting machine. The paper’s first run sold out. "It’s been fantastic, an awakening to me," she exclaimed. "And we are trying to address new issues. We’re even getting requests from Vietnam veterans who want us to help them." One of the "Little Rock Nine," Ernest Green, served as the paper’s national marketing director; he had previously held a position in the administration of President Jimmy Carter.

Times had changed, of course, and in addition to a smaller staff, the paper addressed different social realities. In keeping with her lifelong mission to instill pride, Daisy Bates saw that the paper used the phrase "Afro-American" instead of "black." She reasoned in Ebony that the former designation "gives you a heritage, a background of which to be proud." The year 1984 also saw her receive an honorary Doctor of Laws degree from the University of Arkansas at Fayetteville; the institution would ultimately be the home of the Daisy Bates Collection.

In 1986, the University of Arkansas Press republished The Long Shadow of Little Rock, which became the first reprinted edition ever to earn an American Book Award. The following year she sold the newspaper but continued to act as a consultant. Little Rock paid perhaps the ultimate tribute, not only to Bates but to the new era she helped to initiate, by opening the Daisy Bates Elementary School. She periodically made public appearances with the Little Rock Nine, and swore in the Chicago Tribune, "I’ll always continue to fight." On her 80th birthday, some 1,400 people gathered to celebrate her; and in 1996, wire services carried a photo of the wheelchair-bound activist carrying the Olympic torch in Atlanta, Georgia. The Atlanta Journal-Constitution reported that she was met by a "mob scene," albeit one very different from those she had described in her harrowing book: "Friends, family and admirers, black and white, cheered, yelled encouragement and shed tears."

DEC 2 – 4, 201

For Polk County Democrat website, Ignorance is bliss – about instant runoff voting–Source: Protect North Carolina Elections – Stop Instant Runoff Voting

Ignorance is bliss if you read what website owner of Polkdemocrats writes. They don’t know or care how the statewide IRV contest will be tallied, in fact they don’t even know that we have top 2 IRV and NOT San Francisco style IRV. Polk Dem’s webmaster says no one cares about this contest so its ok if voters are confused, spoil their ballots, or that results will be hinky. They aren’t worried about the non transparent tallying process, either. Guess it’s be . . .  (Read more)

Note: Once again thank you Joyce McCloy for staying on top of the voter process. Yep, I can believe the ignance because many have no clue about what is happening with IRV and the sad part they don’t seek to find out what is really happening. There should have been more education from the state party about what was about to take place with the IRV. And then again the local branches could have taken it upon themselves to learn and to educate their counties about the process. C. Dancy II – DCN Publisher and an Edgecombe County Democratic Party Precinct Chair

See related:

Democratic Party Issues In Edgecombe County

Instant Run Off Voting

Rocky Mount NAACP Branch Elections To Be Held Tuesday, November 30, 2010

Received my letter from the North Carolina NAACP State Conference of Branches on yesterday stating the Rocky Mount Branch Elections were postponed and rescheduled for Tuesday, November 30, 2010. For more information contact the Rocky Mount Branch, the State Office or yours truly.

See related:

Letter of Protest Rocky Mount NAACP Branch Elections For Saturday, November 20, 2010

Black Farmers Bill Approved By the Senate–Source: BlackVoices

After more than a decade, the Senate has approved a bill to fund a $1.25 billion settlement for black farmers who were discrimated against by the U.S. government.

The bill, which had been held up in the Senate, was approved by unanimous consent vote. It was the tenth time the bill had come up for a vote in the Senate.

"This is long, long, long overdue," John Boyd, founder and president of the National Black Farmers Association told Aol BlackVoices in an interview shortly after the vote was finalized. "This is a step in the right direction for America and race relations. It shows when you have a race-related problem you can get justice. Every time they told us no, we kept pushing forward." (Read more)

See related:

Black Farmers